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1.3. Experience of multinational countries.

Comparative analysis of various practices multiethnic federalism as a form of territorial administration is very revealing. At the same time it provides an opportunity to come to some general conclusions about the dynamics of the relationship between federalism and the changing politics of ethnic identity. Switzerland, China, Turkey are presented particular interest to Russia. The experience of these states has a significant potential for internal information of the national policy of Russia, especially China and Turkey were and are competitors of the Russian Federation on many issues.

The Swiss experience. It has become usual, that Switzerland is almost a textbook example of harmonious coexistence within a common state of several distinct ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious communities. However, the fact that as a successful model is almost always appears Switzerland (somewhat less likely to mention Belgium and Canada), evidenced by the fact that it never was and never tried to be a unitary (mononational) state, although the German-speaking population was and continue to be in substantial majority of the country.

Succumbing to the temptation to build a state based on only one language, one culture, one religion, Switzerland would have been in captivity a number of problems, as it often happens with other countries with more internal ethno-cultural, linguistic and denominational diversity. This variety is sometimes a source of many troubles and even brings peoples and nations ruin. Switzerland, by contrast, managed to turn its weaknesses into strengths and advantages. Instead of trying to make a cultural landscape is more uniform, the Swiss have learned to be proud that they live in a multiethnic, multicultural and multi-confessional community. Due to the absence in the country distinct social, economic, linguistic or religious boundaries almost every Swiss on his own experience knows what it means to belong to any of the minorities. It is very important for the development of a culture of tolerance and pluralism.

Several researchers have noted that unlike in the U.S. and Canada to Switzerland is not a merger of the people in a single community. Sometimes they call the Swiss "artificial multicultural nation." At the same time there is something unifying the citizens of this country. L. Basta said about the political community based on shared political values society that emerged during the centuries-long process of nation building.

In contrast to countries committed to liberal-democratic principles, Swiss managed to develop the most appropriate to its political and cultural context of the type of democracy. In essence, the Swiss understanding of democracy in many ways closer to the collective rights and is based on political power between the German-speaking majority, constituting 65% of the population, and speaking in French, Italian and Romansh language minorities, as well as between Protestants and Catholics. This is fundamental difference of Swiss from most other federations, where, as already mentioned, federalism serves to bring together various groups. We can say that in Switzerland, they bet on integration through the preservation of linguistic and cultural differences.

No less impressive is how the Swiss manage to overcome the contradictions that exist between the original principles of democracy and federalism. The fundamental formula for democracy is "one man is one vote" in real life cannot fully ensure the viability of a federal state. Switzerland had to retreat from it for the principle of political equality of all federal units, which are very different from each other by the size of territory and population. The population of the canton may be at more than one million and less than twenty thousand inhabitants, which prevents them from having equal representation in federal agencies. To balance the interests of the cantons and citizens, they ample to the letter an opportunity to participate in decision making at all levels via national initiatives and referenda.

It is hardly possible to apply the Swiss model on the Russian Federation. In the absence of democratic traditions and genetic characteristic of European political culture, organically inherent not only to politicians and intellectuals, and ordinary citizens, it is likely that this will cause even more violent ethnic conflicts. In this connection it is worth recalling that the Soviet Union formally was a federal state with a fully democratic constitution, providing for even the right of secession to the Union republics, but it has not stopped it during the decay to produce a huge number of ethnic conflicts.

The experience of China. In China today there are 56 nationalities and peoples. Minorities in 2000 amounted to 8.41% with respect to the principal nationalities - Hans (actually Chinese). The national policy of Beijing based on the principles set out in the socialist period, but it smoothly blended management practices of non-Han peoples, which has historically evolved over more than two millennia.

Since the middle of the II century BC in the era of the Han Empire, China started consistently pursue a policy of joining the territories inhabited by non-Chinese peoples. The Chinese government used a very flexible way, based on deep understanding of the differences in lifestyle and level of economic development of Han and their neighbors. In the Han time there was a political practice of "weak leadership

by the barbarians," which were developed special principles of political, administrative and legal regulation for.

State doctrine of traditional China proclaimed that the beneficial effects of Chinese monarch have not only the Han, but the "long" people who do obey and come to court with tribute. In this regard all nations and tribes that were in varying degrees of remoteness from China, considered as either real or potential vassals of the Chinese state, and imperial measures aimed at the inclusion of new lands in the administrative-territorial structure, explained the official ideology or patronage of ethnic peripheries or the need for penalties for violations of duties of the vassal. In the Tang Dynasty (618-907) in China's political doctrine was first incorporated the idea of multi-ethnic (multicultural) State where and the Han, and "barbarians" lived.

This historically rooted practice of management non-Han peoples smoothly blended into the national policy and the PRC government, although officially the CCP, on the experience of the Soviet Union, has identified the following principles of party policy toward indigenous peoples:
1 - the equality of all nationalities;

2 - formation of autonomous areas inhabited by indigenous peoples;
3 - economic and cultural development of national development;

4 - improving education and training of national staff;
5 - respect for and preservation of traditions, customs and beliefs of indigenous peoples, the preservation of the language.

However, the essential component of national concept remains the same - to convince public opinion that China has historically formed a "unified multi-ethnic state," and the "Chinese nation" - as "a super-ethnos." Hence, firstly, the recognition of all peoples living in China, the status of "nation", while the inclusion of the term "Chinese nation" of ethnic groups' participation in history of the country. " Secondly the rejection of the principles of national self-determination and a confederate state structure and organization of nation-building on the principle of regional national autonomy.

Currently, members of ethnic minorities 22 people are too small (these are the peoples with less than 100 thousand people). Historically the numerically smaller ethnic groups live on the outskirts of the country, in places with poor infrastructure. Was allocated to several so-called special areas densely populated by representatives of small nations and autonomy are formed primarily as an independent province. These specific areas include the autonomous Tibetan province, autonomous region of Inner Mongolia (with the status of the province), Autonomous Region of Xinjiang, etc.

The main objective, which was put in the CCP's policies toward ethnic areas was as follows: keep them as an integral part of China and as far as possible by peaceful means, to carry out socio-economic and political transformation.

In relation to the rural population of China, 90% of the inhabitants of the country, small nations were in a better position. They organized a system of benefits that promote the survival of small ethnic groups. National enterprises are exempt from some taxes or pay them at a reduced rate. For those wishing to establish their own farm provides grants benefits, providing free equipment. In a nationwide birth control representatives of minorities are allowed to have three children. A network of universities and institutes on training of personnel, the fees are either free or much lower than in conventional universities was found.

Such comprehensive care of the state formally increases the welfare of minorities, guarantees their survival, but in fact makes national autonomy is fully dependent on the center.

In China there is (seen) a nationwide trend of assimilation of indigenous peoples. At the official level in China the doctrine of the Chinese nation is actively supported, priority is given to the formation of “a citizens' state consciousness" (national identity), while moving into the background of ethnic consciousness of nationalities. The term "preservation of national minorities" is avoided talking about their development even though the official policy of "one-child" does not apply to national minorities the authorities nowhere indicate the percentage of the national structure will remain unchanged. In the presence of declaratory provisions on the need to preserve national cultures, traditions, customs, and language is the inevitable disappearance of national languages and in the near future and complete dissolution of small nations in the great Chinese nation.

Ethnic identity of some people is so reduced that questions (impugn) existence of this ethnic group. This happened, for example, with the Manchus, who was once numerous people with their traditions and writing, but eventually almost completely assimilated with the Han. National consciousness is highly developed only in individual nations, such as the Uighurs (Xinjiang) and Tibet people: there they remain the national language and culture. Because of the heightened sense of ethnic identity and separatist mood of people living there, these areas are considered particularly problematic the Chinese government openly admits them "disturbed areas". Economic development in these areas lags far behind other provinces. Lack of infrastructure cannot develop ethnographic tourism, which gives considerable income and employment opportunities for indigenous peoples residing, for example, in the economically developed southern China. There is a direct correlation between economic well-being and assimilative processes: the more dynamic is the development of national area, the quicker assimilation. State declares freedom of choice for every nationality, in fact, this results in promoting of assimilation.
In Chinese ethnography there is a theory of assimilation advanced by a scientist Jian Bo Zan (Jian Bo zan) in 60s of XX century . According to this theory, highly developed nation, winning the less developed, not only contributes to its progress, and gradual assimilation. If the people of the Conqueror is weaker than conquered people as in a civilization and a spiritual sense, it will inevitably dissolve in the conquered ethnic group itself. As an example, confirms this theory, we can bring the following:

1 - Russian conquest of Siberia, where Siberian peoples who stood in the primitive stage of development, were able to quickly move to more civilized forms of life, but many of them are completely assimilated into Russian;

2 - History of the Manchu conquest of China, fourteen dynasties, which had been in power in the country, but that so far almost identified completely themselves with the Han.

Another Chinese theory puts the government national policy in relation to nationality head of the country. If the government is a representative of the titular nation, he pursues a policy of conservation of small ethnic groups (Leninist nationalities policy of the law of every nation to exist and to self-determination). If, however, the representative of the non-dominant nations came to power, small nations are doomed to discrimination. As an example is the national policy of I.V. Stalin.

Both theories are quite controversial. You cannot say that for three hundred years have passed since the conquest of Russian Siberia, all the indigenous peoples of this vast region were assimilated with the Russian. 150 000 of Evenki, Evens, Selkups, Dolgans, Yukagirs and other indigenous peoples living in present-day Siberia, proof of this. V.I. Lenin defined the basic principles of national policy, but the actual direction of the country was too short to talk about the long-planned policy. I.V. Stalin never ceased to proclaim himself a faithful follower of Lenin's ideas, destroying the entire peoples. All U.S. presidents to the last were whites, but not everybody had policies to protect the interests of indigenous and other color people of country.

However, the theory of assimilation of "weak" people with more developed quite justified in relation to the historical development of China itself. The deep, ancient traditions of imperial China were the main reasons for a sustained process of consolidation of Chinese ethnicity and rather successful acculturation or complete assimilation of alien ethnic groups within its territory.

Most anthropologists consider themselves Chinese adherents of the theory of assimilation. Thus, in the opinion of experts from the Institute of Nationalities, Heilongjiang Province, the historical process and the market economy will inevitably lead to the dissolution of indigenous peoples in the Chinese nation.

The process of change in the life of a particular small nation of China can be seen in ethnic hedzhe. This is one of six indigenous peoples, together with Kirghiz, orochenam, Daur, Evenki and Cibo people living in the province of Heilongjiang. Historically, the origin of hedzhe goes back to ancient Tungus tribes that have formed at the beginning of a new era of State of Bohai and later - the empire of the Jurchen - Jin, which means "golden." The defeat of the hordes of Genghis Khan's Golden Empire forced the remnants of the Jurchen away part of the north-east, where they gave rise to the peoples of the Middle and Lower Amur - Nanai, Ulchi Udege a part - in Manchuria in the Songhua River basin, where there was hedzhe nation. By the time the PRC hedzhe lived in conditions of primitive society and represented a separate flag (community) of Manchu identity. Were highly developed national customs and traditions based on collective labor and equal distribution of production, or the results of such work, respect and reverence for ancestors and older family members, rejection of cowardice, cunning, arrogant. The main occupations of hedzhe were hunting and fishing. There was a more democratic organization than the harsh imperial China, while at the same time women's rights were substantially prejudiced. Hedzhe spoke their own language, but there was no script, no schools. The Japanese, under whose influence was China, conducted a discriminatory policy in relation to these people, trying to clear the border areas. By the time the PRC hedzhe was only a few hundred.

Life in socialist China has made positive changes in the development of this nation: schools were opened, medical care was improved, hedzhe from the dugouts had moved in adobe houses, communal way of life began to change gradually in the direction of individual farms. Drastic changes came with the beginning of reforms 80s. Environmental change and unsustainable fishing wiped out almost completely the fish in the Songhua River and its tributaries, deforestation has deprived hedzhe usual activity - hunting. The government has decided to a fundamental reorientation of economic activity hedzhe from their familiar surroundings for fishing and hunting to agriculture. A new activity was dictated and market economies. Representatives of the people were identified in the virgin lands of the two large islands of the Songhua, donated materials and equipment for agriculture, the means of the province built a new town closer to the cultivation and bridges connecting the islands and the coastal part, utilities decreased by 50%. The process of introducing new forms of economic activity is still quite painful. In the disintegration of community relations is not ready to change the usual occupation hedzhe had a strong psychological stress, provoking depression and suicide.

Most still have adapted to new conditions, there were rich peasants among hedzhe, began to develop entrepreneurship, to practice delivery of land for rent, rapid development has ethnographic tourism. Now 3800 people live (representatives of ethnic hedzhe) in Heilongjiang Province. Together with regular benefits from the state for each hedzhe in 2002 was revenue 2800 yuan, which is significantly higher than the national average per capita of rural population in the province of Heilongjiang. The living standard hedzhe ranks the third place among the minority peoples of China (two people with advanced levels of wealth living in the south). Significantly changed the conditions of life: hedzhe now do not live in adobe houses, and in brick, equipped with all the benefits of civilization: TV, washing machine, telephone, wear modern clothes, many of them have cars.

But at the same time there was the commercialization of national culture - it is now fully focused on ethnographic tourism. The production of clothing, articles made from birch bark is developed. Ethnographic tourism brings considerable income to representatives of the people and gives jobs to service facilities - hotels, restaurants, laundries, gas stations.
Attitudes and moral values of hedzhe changed. The collective community work changed completely on individual. If the earlier attitude toward commerce was highly negative as to something dishonest, unfair, associated with cunning and deceit, now hedzhe are not ashamed to offer for sale and religious values of his people. The commercial exploitation of their ethnic identity became the norm.

In general, China's policy towards national minorities is aimed at promoting economic and cultural development of nations, to "tightening" of national areas to the developed provinces of the country, which should consolidate the nation and prevent possible separatist campaign. At the same ethnic identity of indigenous peoples pushed into second place, leveled, leading to a gradual assimilation of national minorities.

The Turkish experience. In terms of study productive national experience and information is the history of Turkey. In the XIX century the multi-linguistic, ethnic and religious population of the Ottoman Empire, is traditionally divided into millets (religious communities). Various millets were viewed as corporate entity and have its own internal structure and hierarchy, its educational system. State interacted mainly with the top of the community, rather than its individual members. In order to take a high position in the state, ought to be (or become) a Muslim. Until the end of the XIX century the phrase "to be a Turk" in its modern sense was alien to members of the Ottoman rulers who called themselves the Ottomans. The word "Turk" was used more often to mean "illiterate peasants."

The movement for reform in the middle of the XIX Tanzimat was aimed at the secularization of the administrative system, the sphere of legislation and education. It was proclaimed the equal rights of all citizens of the Ottoman Empire, regardless of their denomination. As a consequence, millets ceased to be purely religious communities. Changes in the reformist period created ideal conditions for the spread of non-Muslim population of new nationalist ideas, which penetrated to the West. The reaction of the Turkic-speaking Muslim population of the empire to the reforms was the emergence of the first organized opposition group, the intellectuals, armed with ideas of the Enlightenment and sought to reconcile the demands of modernization with the tenets of Islam. One of the leaders of the "New Ottomans," Kemal, proposed the idea of the Ottoman nation, which consists of equal citizens of different nationalities and faiths. However, with the pan-Slavic sentiment increased, and the defeat of the Empire in the Balkans, he was forced to abandon this idea and turned to the past of the Turks. Recent work Kemal emphasizes that the primary means of uniting the Muslims of the Ottoman Empire was Turkish.

A particular interest in Turkey's becoming is the ideological contribution of Russian immigrants. In this display you can see a definite pattern, as the ideologues of nationalism often come from regions with mixed populations where they are exposed to aggressive nationalist policies of the ruling circles. Born in Simbirsk, a graduate of the Istanbul Military Academy Akcura in 1904 published a pamphlet in Cairo, entitled "Three Kinds of Politics", which became, in fact, a manifesto of Turkish nationalism. Based on the ideas of Pan-Turkic it affects three main themes: the Turkish identity, Turkish attitude towards the national question and the union of the Turkic peoples. Akcura pointed to a large number of Turks in the Caucasus, in Asia, outside of the Ottoman Empire, and suggested that in the case of the unification of all Turkic peoples there would be a very powerful education, strongly emphasizing that the idea of such a union is new and has no precedent in history. The author believed in the possibility of assimilation and Turkification of non-Turkish population of empire.

The loss of most of the provinces in the Balkans and the First World War forced the leaders of the Young Turks go to the open position of need for the Turkish Empire. The system of education was changed: at primary school, where teaching was conducted in the native language, introduced compulsory classes of Turkish, in secondary and higher educational establishments should be conducted only in Turkish. Admission to the civil service began to depend on the nationality of the citizen. Preference was given to the Turks. Nationalist sentiment began to exert influence on the economy. The government began to pursue activities that contributed to strengthening the position of the national Turkish bourgeoisie. In 1916 a law was enacted the mandatory use of Turkish language at work. All documentation and records should be conducted only in Turkish. During these years, the Young Turk nationalism has demonstrated its essence, a manifestation of which was the deportation of Armenians, which killed more than 1 million lives.

Among some Turkish intellectuals became popular an idea of the state tour, which would unite all the Turkic peoples from the Balkans to China, first expounded in the writings of Akcura. Kemal himself was never a theorist, but was a pragmatic military man, turned into an equally pragmatic policy. Nationalism, which he confessed, was a mixture of ethnic and territorial nationalism options. Natural boundaries for the Turkish nation he considered those within which to ensure its protection. Ataturk's attitude to Islam was ambiguous. Initially, he viewed Islam as a basic component in determining the membership of the Turkish nation. Uprising of the Kurdish population during the liberation struggle, he called the "fratricidal war." He reckoned the Muslim clergy to the potential opposition that could provide resistance to reforms. As a progressive politician, advocate of Westernization, Kemal sought to contacts between Turkey and the West. His goal was to create a civilized secular state. After the victory in the war for independence the caliphate was abolished. According to the law in 1925 "Tekke" and "turbot" were closed. Religion gradually pushed into the private sphere. In the Kemalist ideology Islam is no longer seen as a key component that defines national identity. According to Kemal, the following factors were the foundation of the Turkish nation: the political community, a common language, common territory, common ancestry, common history, common morality.

Despite efforts of the Kemalist to limit the scope of religious influence by the private lives of citizens, in practice it could be done only in the capital and major cities. Most of the rural population has continued for the most part rely on traditional Islamic regulations. Within three years after the coup in 1980 in power in Turkey were military. Despite the fact that the army was considered a bastion of Kemalism, leaders emerged from its ranks, believed that the lack of religious education of young people leads to the spread of such dangerous to the state system of ideologies like Marxism-Leninism and fascism. The new constitution was introduced with article number 24:

"Education in the area of religious culture and moral education should be mandatory included in the curricula of primary and secondary schools." Soon, a new program of religious education was ellaborated, in order to give students in primary and secondary school knowledge of the Muslim religion and ethics "in accordance with the principle of laicism and other principles proclaimed by Ataturk." An introduction to the moral values of Islam was to contribute to fostering a sense of national identity and cohesion of the nation.

The interpretation of the history of Turkey has become an important tool for promoting national attitudes and their introduction into the consciousness of citizens. In the late 20s - early 30s the first copies of new textbooks on national history for secondary schools and high schools were appeared. Particular attention there was paid to pre-Islamic period. Turks were proclaimed as creators of the great civilizations of Central Asia. Ottoman phase was introduced as a time of decline, and the events of this period were interpreted as the result of someone else's non-Turkish influence, and the Turkish language was named one of the most important languages in the world. In 1928, the Arabic alphabet was replaced by an alphabet based on Latin script, which took into account the phonetic peculiarities of the Turkish language. The sacred book (the Koran and the Gospel) were translated on Turkish language, the ministers of the mosques were required to carry out the service in Turkish, not Arabic. All officials were required to learn a new font and start using it. The penalty of non-execution was a dismissal from work, and even revocation of citizenship and deportation. In 1930 Kemal launched a campaign to protect the language from Arabic and Persian borrowings and replacing them with new words formed with the Turkic base. The campaign under the slogan "Citizen, speak Turkish-style" the national minorities were obliged to speak only in Turkish.

In such circumstances there couldn’t be the question of self-determination for Kurds. Under the new concept of Turkish history, the Kurds have come from areas of Central Asia, 5 thousand years ago, and according to official government classification were considered "the Turkish mountaineers." The Kurds live mainly in mountainous, the most economically backward south-eastern regions. National policy was equally aggressive with respect to other Muslim nations - Laz, Albanian, Circassian (Muhajirs), denying the right to national identity of minorities within Turkey, and at the same time defend the rights of Turkish minorities in other states. Since the second half of XX century the most painful in the Turkish national policy was the Kurdish question.

Kemalist revolution didn’t hardly touch the Kurdish population, continued to exist in a traditional society. The ties that bind them to the Turkish nation were much weaker than the tribal and religious. State clearly was too late with the introduction in consciousness of Kurdish the nationalist ideas and that has strengthened the other varieties of nationalism, competed with the official Kemalist version.

The post-coup 1980 regime sought to suppress any manifestation of national consciousness among the Kurds. Especially stringent measures were taken against the Kurdish language. In accordance with the law № 2932, Turkey was declared the only native language for all citizens. In addition, anti-terrorism law was passed providing the imprisonment for keeping a written or verbal propaganda, threatening territorial integrity or national unity. In 1993-1994 government conducted a series of actions in areas densely populated by Kurds, in which were relocated or eliminated about 2 thousand villages and smaller settlements. Even the existence of a "Kurdish problem" was denied. She was replaced by the problem of underdevelopment in southeastern, counterterrorism, and sometimes regarded as a "-inspired from the outside”. At present, there are two obvious weaknesses of national policies: Islam and the Kurdish question. The Islamic factor continues to grow. The classic version of the secular Kemal began to occupy a defensive position, which was significantly alienates the West from Turkey, but this does not automatically mean the appearance of a close relationship with Arab countries. Strengthening of religiosity, and as a consequence of the emergence of radical Islamic views in the future (10-15 years) necessarily will affect the local terrorist activity.

Such peoples of non-Turkish origin as Laz, Circassians, Arabs, Albanians living in Turkey, as a rule do not constitute and may will not be to create a conflict situation. Between them and the Kurds there is a significant difference: the former are the descendants of immigrants, who see Turkey as "akin to sheltered state" and they are also sufficiently assimilated, while the Kurds are the indigenous people of those places, where the most of them are living. Strong support of Kurdish separatism is not only a Kurdish language, unique culture and dream of an independent Kurdistan, but also the proximity to the Kurdish liberation movements in neighboring Iraq and Syria. "Encapsulation" of people always sooner or later lead to treatment for the "right to self-determination” and separation conflicts.

Canada, which is one of the oldest multi-ethnic federations in recent decades has had to face the real threat of secession. The reaction of the federal government was mainly in an attempt to restructure the constitutional design for the harmonization of interests of different subjects of the federation to ensure the viability of a sovereign state. While the success of the reforms cannot be underestimated, it must be admitted that attempts in both formal and informal policies to cultivate the idea of a multicultural society, capable of taking up on the concept of dual nation and to develop structures that would encourage the practice of multiculturalism has not gained enough weight in the public consciousness of Canada. The government is doing everything possible to outweigh the possibility of linguistic separation or fragmentation of the country along the lines of sovereignty.

Belgium, which became a fully federal state only in 1993, also cannot decide the problem of linguistic duality. Because of the long-standing territorial formalized structure based on linguistic markers and the importance of this division for the Walloons and Flemings, and other issues related to regional development, resource allocation and social mobility ethnicized easily. It is the federation, consisting of two ethnic groups is the most fragile. Today none of these federations has not survive, but the Belgian is constantly teetering on the brink of collapse. This should take into account the fact that a crucial role in its preservation is the European Union.

An example of these two democratic federation, with all their differences with special urgency does not only raise the question of replacing the bi-national forms of identity in a multinational, but also gives rise to the suspicion that in the case of the construction of linguistic differences on territorial lines, this territoriality rather inflates the hopes and ambitions of communities rather than contributes to their satisfaction.

The crisis of federalism associated with multi-ethnic tensions, takes also central place in two major ethnofederations of the Third World countries - India and Nigeria. In these countries there is a question not only about their ability to manage ethnic, religious and tribal diversity, but also about whether or not a Democracy cope with multiple stresses, which occur periodically at a high level of ethnic violence. The complexity of ethnic and religious federal policy in India cannot be adequately understood without an awareness of a kind, a complicated stratification of communities and how it is applied to a complex set of linguistic, religious and regional identities. India is experiencing an expanding crisis of federalism in part because underlying the mythology of a federation is increasingly under attack as it occurs simultaneously with other basic myths of India - socialism, secularism and democracy. At the same time, India will unlikely to fall apart. Its territorial integrity is preserved in part by state violence and a constant reminder of the threat posed by Pakistan. However, the important role is played by the increasing integration of the country thanks to the success of economic development. Economic liberalization has contributed, on the one hand, the establishment of a regional bourgeoisie and regional movements, on the other - the consolidation of the national middle class.

Nigeria used its version of control by ethnic and religious conflicts. At the heart of it was the idea of creating approximately equal-sized subjects of the federation and the policy of proportional distribution of posts in the federal government. Thus, Nigeria has tried to prevent the domination at the federal level of a single tribe or region. This policy was intended to prevent developments such as the one that led to civil war in 1966. Despite the best efforts to structure the federation based on territory, not ethnic groups and to manage regional conflicts by continuously increasing the number of subjects of the federation, the old regional feuds, not only survived, but remained closely linked to ethnic politics that is fueled the growing difference in the level of regional development. In post-Communist world federation failed the test by the political crisis and their construction based on ethnoregional division was a key factor in their breakup. In all three socialist federations - the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia the form of centralization was implemented based on the rule of the Communist Party, which has proved very effective way of managing of ethnoregional conflicts. However, in the nature of their federal institutions, there were some differences that are partly attributable to the national traditions and specific national political culture. Thus, the Soviet Union became quickly hardsentralized state, allowing only a very limited degree to its republics. In Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia also were attempts to carry out a policy of decentralization, expanding the number of regional autonomy.

The collapse of the Yugoslav federation led to widespread ethnic and religious violence, whose roots stem from the fact that in the late 1980s appropriate policies increasingly found themselves under the authority of local nationalist elites. In the midst of this post federation crisis Bosnia-Herzegovina were, where proposed and implemented in practice in many shapes ethnic conflict management - from strategy of ethnic cleansing and territorial absorption to kantonalizm and federalism.

In contrast to this relatively late the federation of Czechoslovakia was formed, which unitary constitution was changed to a federal only in 1968, stopped to exist peacefully after 25 years, despite the fact that the linguistic, religious and economic differences between Czechs and Slovaks had a lot of similarities with the situation in Yugoslavia.

Spain turned out well to achieve relative success in containing of ethnoregional requirements during the transition from authoritarianism to democracy. The key role played in this formation of the so-called system of autonomous communities, which in the case of Catalonia and the Basque Country has led to significant regional, ethno-linguistic and economic autonomy.

Incomparably more difficult problem related to the peaceful transformation of the political regime in democratic by introducing a federal model, stands in front of South Africa ended with apartheid. Key arguments in favor of the federation in South Africa were the need to preserve the geographical base of ethnic and political identities of power and limit the power of a strong centralized state. Tension was felt in particular between the more centralized the African National Congress, which electoral support is distributed more evenly geographically and federalist demands of minority parties to the regional slope (for example, Inkatha Freedom Party in the province of Quasi-Natal and the National Party in the province of West Cape). With the end of the apartheid government largely shifted to the regions, but the fiscal capacities were preserved remains by the center. The establishment of a strong political power at the regional level will lead to the fact that political relations between ethnic and racial groups will play a greater role in political life of the country. While they still cannot talk about South Africa as a held federation, the movement in this direction is already evident.
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